Federal Challenges in Pakistan

The Islamic Republic of Pakistan is the world’s fifth most populous country, consisting of diverse ethnic groups and divided into four provinces: Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Balochistan. Governing a society with such a diverse ethnic composition creates significant administrative challenges, such as the emergence of provincial ethno-nationalist movements. Therefore, it is imperative that all ethnic groups are equitably represented in the government and the political system. Historically, however, Pakistan's provinces have experienced stark disparities in terms of decision-making power and resource allocation by the central government.

Emerging as a postcolonial and heavily exploited state, Pakistan struggled immensely during its nation-building process. Although it gained independence as a federal state in 1947, its governance remained highly centralized. In 1955, the country was administratively merged under the "One Unit Scheme." West Pakistan comprised today’s Pakistan, while East Pakistan was a geographically separated region that is now modern-day Bangladesh. In 1971, a civil war broke out between the two wings, resulting in the liberation of Bangladesh and the formation of the Pakistan we know today.

Punjabis are the dominant ethnic group in Pakistan, constituting approximately 45% of the country’s population. Consequently, they hold the largest number of seats in the National Assembly due to the distribution of seats based on provincial populations. Punjabis have historically exercised disproportionate influence over the country’s political and military institutions. The structure of governance and the distribution of natural resources have systematically favored Punjab, thereby institutionalizing inequality between Punjab and the other provinces. Despite Punjab’s demographic weight, its ability to exercise absolute hegemonic power has recently diminished. Christophe Jaffrelot, a prominent scholar of South Asian politics, points out that Punjab is socioeconomically fragmented. For instance, the Lahore region serves as the primary economic and industrial hub. On the other hand, the Potohar Plateau and southern Punjab feature distinct socioeconomic structures shaped by agriculture and traditional military recruitment. This internal cleavage prevents Punjabis from uniting as a monolithic bloc, thereby weakening their ability to establish absolute hegemony over the other provinces.

Balochistan is a province rich in natural resources, particularly natural gas, coal, copper, and gold, while agriculture and livestock form the backbone of its local economy. The distribution of these natural resources remains a contentious issue. Data reveals that Balochistan produces far more natural gas than it consumes. In 2020, the province produced approximately 285,600 units of natural gas but consumed only about 119,823 units. This production-consumption gap demonstrates that a substantial portion of its natural gas is diverted to other provinces. Jaffrelot analyzes this dynamic through the lens of "internal colonialism," arguing that centralized resource control systematically undermines provincial autonomy. Another critical issue in Balochistan is political violence and terrorism. According to data from the Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS), 737 terrorist attacks were recorded in 2010. While this number decreased to 487 in 2013 and further dropped to 325 in 2024, terrorism remains a severe national security challenge.

The 1973 Constitution originally defined the division of legislative authority between the federal government and the four provinces. However, following the 1977 military coup, the Eighth Amendment shifted executive power from the Prime Minister to the President, granting the latter the authority to dissolve the National Assembly. This shift toward presidential centralization severely curtailed provincial autonomy. In contrast, the 18th Amendment marked a major transition toward decentralization. It aimed to reduce presidential powers and restore the federal spirit of the 1973 Constitution. Crucially, the 18th Amendment abolished the "Concurrent List"—which previously outlined forty-seven subjects where federal law overrode provincial law. By abolishing this list, control over marriage, contracts, infectious diseases, labor, educational curricula, environmental pollution, and trade unions was devolved to the provinces. This devolution was a milestone in strengthening provincial authority and consolidating Pakistani federalism.

However, these decentralization efforts were partially reversed by the Twenty-First Amendment, which underscores how national security concerns continuously reshape Pakistan’s political system. Passed in the wake of the December 16, 2014 terrorist attack on an Army Public School in Peshawar—which claimed 141 lives—the amendment authorized special military courts to prosecute civilians accused of religious or sectarian terrorism. This amendment illustrates how acute national security challenges can drive the expansion of central authority and consolidate military influence over civilian governance.

REFERENCES

• Ahmed, I., (2020), “The 18th amendment: historical developments and debates in Pakistan”, Institute of South Asian Studies, https://www.isas.nus.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/EDITED-Insights-641-Imran-HS-converted.pdf

• Bajoria, J., “Pakistan’s constitution. Council on Foreign Relations”, https://www.cfr.org/backgrounders/pakistans-constitution#chapter-the-1973-constitutional-framework.

• Bhattacharya, S., (2015), “Pakistan's ethnic entanglement”, The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies, 40(3), 231-262.

• Dziak, M., “Lahore, Pakistan”, EBSCO. https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/history/lahore-pakistan.

• jaffrelot, C., (2015), “The Pakistan paradox: instability and resilience”, Oxford University Press.

• Javed, H. A., “Basic structure & the 21st constitutional amendment”, Courting The Law.

• Murtaza, A and Imroze, L., (2025), “Ethnic identity, nationalism and governance in Pakistan”, Journal of Asian Development Studies, 14(1), 464-473. https://poverty.com.pk/index.php/Journal/article/view/1054.

• UN News, (2014, 16 December), “Taliban attack on Pakistan school an act of ‘horror and rank cowardice', says UN chief”, https://news.un.org/en/story/2014/12/486422 .